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The Civil Guard uses records from Villarejo to conclude that OHL paid a bribe to the former president of the Autonomous Community of Madrid, Ignacio González

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Ignacio González in his office in Puerta del Sol in 2013 when he was President.Gorka Lejarcegi

The Civil Guard has used a handwritten note read to former commissioner José Manuel Villarejo to conclude that Ignacio González, then vice president of the Community of Madrid, and Ildefonso de Miguel, the manager of the Canal de Isabel II, allegedly eins und eins received half a million euros in 2007 for OHL to win the tender to build the train between Móstoles and Navalcarnero. In his final report on this piece of the Lezo case, investigators used “various agendas, emails, records or files” from investigators to “chronologically link the payments to administrative files” that are critical to the work. In parallel, they had accused, presumably Gonzalez, of the testimony of David Marjalisa, one of the leaders of Púnica, who echoed the complaints of Francisco Granados, also former regional vice-president and former general secretary of the PP in Madrid, for having had bribes for the concession. Furthermore, they underline the importance of “having found an item in the agenda of former Commissioner Villarejo” that would support this thesis.

Almost 15 years have passed since OHL won the €360 million tender to connect Móstoles and Navalcarnero with a train. Since then, not a single one has been in circulation. Thousands of neighbors are trapped in urban developments orphaned from their main claim. And in front of their homes, some of the infrastructure, including several bricked-up tunnels, is left derelict as everything was left half-finished.

The work sponsored by Esperanza Aguirre was halted in 2010 due to a lack of funding from the concessionaire and 8 of the 14.4 km of the project have already been completed, according to the regional government. Since then, the municipality and the construction company have sued the courts to clarify liability for the changes to the project (which included the unforeseen undermining of a tunnel) and funding (50 million claims from OHL). In December, Isabel Díaz Ayuso’s governing council approved the payment of OHL 162 million for abandoned and incomplete remains, EL PAÍS reported. However, the construction company is demanding more money. A fight that the Civil Guard said began with the bite allegedly accused by González, for which the anti-corruption agency sought four years in prison in December 2020.

“The germ of this investigation was the information provided by a few confidants, who, among other things, provided the number of the account to which OHL would have paid a commission in connection with the contract in 2007,” the agents summarize in their report chain BE and to which EL PAÍS has agreed. “Likewise, they reported that the recipients of these commissions would have been Ignacio González and Ildefonso de Miguel, who were bound by both a close friendship and a professional bond,” they add. And they underline: “Certain emails were found that identify Javier López Madrid (OHLA director) as the man in the construction company who would try to solve the problems with the administration of the Autonomous Community of Madrid. It is relevant how the person to whom he should have gone to solve the problems related to the train (…) was precisely González, one of the alleged recipients of the commissions paid by OHL in relation to this contract would have”.

In order to proceed with the alleged payment, OHL would have employed complicated financial engineering. The money would have flowed from Spain via Mexico to Switzerland. Adrián de La Joya is said to have been summoned as a middleman. And as a finishing touch, a system of hidden accounts and indemnities would have been used to bring out the funds, which investigators believe are accredited thanks to a few comments from former Commissioner Villarejo.

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“An entry was found in the agendas of former Commissioner Villarejo confirming that it would be a reparation operation,” the report said. “The note explained that Cándido Cerón, Jesús GIL – the people who controlled HANALEI HOLDINGS – and Ildefonso de Miguel organized the payments and commissions to IG – initials of Ignacio González,” they transcribe. “This information would have been made available to the former Commissioner by Adrián de la Joya – on dates prior to the start of this pre-trial,” they continue. And they underscore by giving this information a key value: “[La anotación] makes sense [ese] was the channel used to send the payments to Ildefonso de Miguel and according to the note to Ignacio González”.

To complete his allegations, the Guardia Civil provided the former regional president with a telephone recording in which he demonstrates, the agents say, that “he knew the way of payment (from Mexico to one from Adrián de la Jewel in Switzerland ) at a time when these facts were unknown to the investigation.” Something “strange,” the researchers say, without being involved.

The Civil Guard also gives their special vision to explain the reason for the failure of the construction of the train, which the community now wants to hand over to the state for completion. So the researchers say they discovered a modus operandi at OHL consisted of presenting himself to tenders with low economic bids that guaranteed him both present victory and future losses, and then maneuvering with his political contacts to modify the agreements upwards and gain advantages.

A strategy in which the commissions played a key role, always according to the researchers, who base their opinion on an intermediary conversation with a company manager, in which the following is said: “You tell me, well, give me 3.5% [de mordida] Give it to me yes but hey I’ll have mine modified and I know the job will be fixed in the end [dando beneficios], but if the work doesn’t work out for me in the end, what happens then? I got you 3.5% fueled here and the work…fighting him [político] Come. It seems difficult to me.”

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Source elpais.com

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