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More than five years of “irregularities” in the PP for Esperanza Aguirre to win elections

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In the middle, Esperanza Aguirre, with Mariano Rajoy and Alberto Ruiz-Gallardón, is making waves to launch the PP campaign for the 2007 regional and local elections in May this year.Gorka Lejarcegi

The stain spans all of Esperanza Aguirre’s legislatures (2003-2012). Former President of the Autonomous Community of Madrid, who came to the regional government thanks to the Tamayazo – the desertion of two PSOE MPs who forced new elections after the left won – was immortalized in office after agreeing to campaign endowed to two more elections. This is the scenario drawn by the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office in a long 860-page document to which EL PAÍS had access, where it describes an authentic manual of “irregularities” by the regional PP to illegally fund itself: “not declared expenses”, “opaque resource sources”, “affiliated contractors”, “amended invoices”, “cash deliveries”…

The prosecutor who drafted the brief — his two companions, who investigated the case from the start, refused to sign it over substantive discrepancies — refused to seek Aguirre’s charges for lack of evidence after Anti-Corruption charged them The criminal network favors the indictment in 2019: “According to the outcome of what has been instructed, Aguirre’s involvement in the criminal acts cannot be considered accredited.” Also for his successor and campaign manager of 2007, Ignacio González , he does not demand it, since the crimes attributable to him have been decreed. However, the voluminous document proposes to send five people of his highest confidence to the bench and details more than five years of corruption in the autonomy with three main axes that Aguirre presided over: the community government, the regional PP and Fundescam (Foundation for the economic and social development of the Autonomous Community of Madrid).

“Monetary Contributions”. The fight against corruption puts three elections to the test: the regional elections of 2007 and 2011, which Aguirre won with an absolute majority, and the national elections of 2008. As he concludes, the Madrid PP has created momentum in all of them to “ gathering resources”. of irregular shape. In this way, he ended up with funds that he later “did not declare” to the Accounts Chamber and expenses that he “did not pay via the campaign account”: “So that the auditors It didn’t react to the reality of what was happening was.

But where did this money come from? Prosecutors say that to “carry out his plan” he needed a battery of “like-minded businessmen” to help him. On the one hand, the PP diverted funds for election expenses from Fundescam, a foundation to which businessmen made “donations” and “contributions”. The people also obtained “income” from deliveries of cash given by “various businessmen” to “members of the people of Madrid” which they later delivered to Beltrán Gutiérrez. [gerente del partido], for storage and use. The public prosecutor calculates that in 2007 alone they received more than 740,000 euros through Fundescam and more than one million euros “in cash”.

In this sense, the report describes a delivery of 20,000 euros to Fundescam in 2007 by the brother of Javier López Madrid, director of OHL – the manager is being prosecuted for allegedly paying bribes to Ignacio González for contracting the train work to Navalcarnero for 360 million euros, granted the same in 2007—. But at this point the prosecutor asserts, in addition to the prescribed facts, that “it was not possible to determine the brother’s motivation without being able to attribute a person’s actions to his relatives by the mere fact of being so”.

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This illegal mechanism was used in the 2011 elections, by advisor Francisco Granados, also general secretary of the PP in Madrid and therefore number two by Aguirre in training. He is said to have received the money deliveries and written them in a black notebook. Later, according to the letter, he kept a portion and gave the rest to Beltrán Gutiérrez. “The relationship between [ambos] it was absolutely trustworthy,” stresses the State Ministry, which has requested the prosecution of these two former leaders of the PP, since the crimes of 2011, unlike those of 2007 and 2008, are not subject to a statute of limitations.

“In the service” of the PP. “The administration of the Autonomous Community of Madrid was placed at the service of the interests of politicians” the PP continues Anticorrupción, which explains how these illegal electoral expenses were later allegedly “masked”. For example, the companies that provided their services in the campaigns billed through other “affiliated businessmen” to whom they billed: “Mainly to Construction companies that had received administrative contracts. To this end, the Aguirre government developed “the 1 percent clause on advertising”.

This system, introduced by the treaty documents with an “obvious desire to abuse power”, allowed “Madrid PP politicians” to determine without public competition which advertising companies would be entrusted with these tasks in these judgments. This way, the winning companies “only” had to pay the bills they “spun”. The executive thus used this route “to pay part of the additional costs of the election campaign costs, in order not to be reported to the Accounts Chamber”, the prosecutor’s office emphasizes.

“For the good of the politicians.” The anti-corruption report targets other work entrusted to Alejandro De Pedro’s companies to improve their reputation on-line by leaders of the PP in Madrid: including Aguirre and González. The ministry sees evidence that “public funds” were made available to pay for these tasks “for the personal and immediate benefit of politicians,” carried out “without formal mandate” and with “cash payments.”

According to prosecutors, this system was known to at least three senior officials who were very close to the president. Borja Sarasola, head of his cabinet and later González’s advisor, built the relationship with De Pedro. Isabel Gallego, Press Officer, controls: “I knew that there was no formal procurement and that the method of payment was obscured by fictitious procurement and required that the distinguished companies of the community work together by paying costs.” Salvador Victoria, former director of Aguirre, “was also aware of this dynamic, beneficiary, promoter and solver”. Anti-corruption calls for the prosecution of these three subordinates of the former regional president.

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Source elpais.com

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